Keeping the Republic: Lessons from Italy’s Years of Lead

On the morning of March 16, 1978, Italians woke up to the news that their former prime minister and leader of the Christian Democracy Party (DC), Aldo Moro, had been kidnapped by the Brigate Rosse, a far-left terrorist group, in hopes of triggering a wider rebellion. That left-wing rebellion never came to fruition, but it did prevent the Historic Compromise, a new agreement that would allow the Italian Communist Party (PCI) to join the government for the first time, from being signed that day. After being held captive for 55 days, Moro was killed.

The kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro was the apex of the Years of Lead, a period between 1969 and the 1980s in Italy that saw high rates of political violence carried out by both left-wing and right-wing paramilitary groups. The era started with the Piazza Fontana bombing in Milan on December 12, 1969, in which right-wing group Ordine Nuovo bombed the National Agriculture Bank, killing 17 and wounding 88. Other key events during the Years of Lead included the failed Borghese Coup initiated by far-right conspiracists in an attempt to take over the Italian government and the Bologna massacre in 1980, in which a neo-fascist group bombed the central train station, killing 85 and wounding over 200.

The United States is entering its own Years of Lead. In recent years, political violence has increased from both sides of the aisle. Recent instances of political violence in the United States include the storming of the Capitol on January 6^th, the attempted assassinations of Donald Trump, the assassination of Minnesota State Representative Melissa Hortman, and the murder of Charlie Kirk. Americans are feeling this tension. A recent survey by AlphaROC found that 76% of Americans are very or somewhat worried of political protests turning violent. 

There are key differences between political violence in contemporary America and that of the Years of Lead. Political violence in the United States is more targeted towards specific individuals while the violence of the Years of Lead were mass terrorist attacks that were indiscriminate in nature. The perpetrators of political violence in Italy were also more organized, forming paramilitary groups such as Ordine Nuovo and the Brigate Rosse, while the perpetrators in the United States seem to be more of the lone-wolf type. There are some similarities as well. The bulk of the early violence was initiated by right-wing group in both instances, causing the left to strike back in response. In recent years, far-right perpetrators accounted for between 67 and 90% of attacks and plots in the United States.

The violence of the Years of Lead threatened to destroy the Italian republic. In fact, the stated goal of extremists on both sides was to exploit a “strategy of tension” to induce a rebellion or civil war. However, the Italian republic survived. As commentators discuss the risk of a civil war in the United States, it may be productive to look at how Italy recovered from the Years of Lead as a model for the United States to follow.

Unified Condemnation of Violence

The first step in healing a divided society is acknowledging that there is a problem. That means naming the problem and denouncing it. In the aftermath of the Moro kidnapping both the DC and PCI denounced the act and vowed to never negotiate with the terrorists. Negotiation would have legitimize violence and kidnapping as a means to achieve a political goal. Public figures called for an unconditional release. Even Pope Paul VI got involved, stating, “I beg you on my knees, free the Honorable Aldo Moro, simply, without any conditions, not so much because of my humble and loving intercession, as by virtue of his dignity as a common brother of humanity, and for the sake.”

The unity of the two major parties in Cold War Italy in the face of a national tragedy is something that seems unlikely to be replicated in the United States today. Acts of political violence today are immediately condemned by one party but rationalized by some on the other party. After the assassination of Democrat Melissa Hortman in 2025, some Republicans immediately made light of the situation, with some baselessly blaming the killing on Governor Tim Walz. Likewise, some on the left celebrated the death of Charlie Kirk. These divisive responses to acts of political violence are not productive to healing, and the nation can only recover from these heinous acts if both sides condemn the violence no matter the perpetrator.

Amnesty

Healing a broken nation will inevitably involve some uncomfortable conversations, and the question of amnesty will certainly be controversial. However, eradicating any lingering resentment is essential to full recovery from extreme polarization. In the 1980s and 1990s, Italian authorities enlisted the help of pentiti, or “turncoats,” who were formerly insiders in paramilitary groups who were willing to cooperate with the authorities in exchange for reduced sentences or amnesty. In the United States, a hypothetical pardon of President Donald Trump by a future Democratic president would do much to pacify the right and end the long national nightmare, paving the way for healing. However, amnesty without accountability is worthless. The broad amnesty given to former Confederate officials after the American Civil War without any stipulations led to almost a century of Jim Crow laws and increased violence towards Black Americans. Forgiveness done right can lead to a sustainable peace, as evidenced by success stories in Colombia.

Trust in Government

Italians in the 1970s had very little trust in their government. Due to the “strategy of tension,” in which extremists tried to delegitimize the government response to violence, the general public was deeply suspicious of the state. The Historic Compromise, set to be signed the day that Moro was kidnapped, was supposed to increase the trust in government by involving the opposition. The Brigate Rosse chose that day to commit their most infamous acts of violence to prevent the Historic Compromise, preventing the stabilization of a fractured country.

The United States is facing a similar phase of skepticism and distrust in the federal government. Out of all institutions, an AlphaROC survey found that 27% of Americans, a plurality, trusted the federal government the least, above other institutions such as political parties, national news, and major corporations, making the federal government the least trusted institution in the United States. The government must regain the trust of the American people to end the scourge of political violence. When the people feel that the government does not have legitimacy, they do not feel protected by the government, causing increased vigilantism. The federal government can regain the trust of the people by functioning the way that it is intended to, which means ending the perpetual gridlock on Capitol Hill and getting bills passed. The party in power also has to work with the minority party to prove to the people that they support the best policy regardless of who proposes it. Finally, all federal officials, from presidential appointees to the judiciary, must act in a non-partisan manner to show that the government puts people above party. 

Conclusion

By learning from the experiences of Italy in the 1970s and 1980s, the United States can recover from an era of increased political violence. The Years of Lead has many parallels with the current state of the United States, and by looking at how Italy came out of years of turmoil through unified condemnation of violence, conditional amnesty, and increasing trust in government, the United States can recover and strengthen its democracy. It is possible to “bind up the nation’s wounds,” as Abraham Lincoln said so eloquently in his Second Inaugural Address, “with malice towards none [and] with charity for all.”

Bryan Fok is an analyst at AlphaROC, where he uses Occam data to write opinion pieces. He has conducted extensive research on environmental security and international development issues, with prior roles as a research assistant at the Kellogg Institute for International Studies, the Sagamore Institute, and APPRISE. Bryan holds a B.A. in Global Affairs from the University of Notre Dame.

The views expressed are his own and do not necessarily reflect the views of AlphaROC.